More boldness required

It is difficult to understand why Ross Greer declines to give full details of his “alternative Scottish independence strategy“ right away. Why must it wait for - far less be conditional on - him being elected to a co-leader position in the Scottish Green Party. One would think that having any kind of strategy for restoring independence would make him the obvious choice for a leadership role. But we’ll just have to work with the little he deigns to give us.

From what I know of his ‘plan’, I’m inclined to give Ross Geer a score of six or at a stretch, seven out of ten. That may sound like damning with faint praise. But it should be seen in the context of other nominally pro-independence parties barely registering on the scale.

My instant assessment of Greer’s proposal was that it sounded in part like a diluted, more cautious, gradualist version of the #ScottishUDI plan. It’s the idea of picking fights with the UK Government and doing so cleverly that accounts for most of those six or seven points. At least he is acknowledging the need for a more assertive, confrontational approach. Which is pretty much the opposite of John Swinney’s attitude. Ross Greer’s assertiveness may be heavily tinged with hesitancy and his confrontation a bit timid, but even this is an improvement on the plainly idiotic idea that there might be a route to independence which avoids all confrontation with the British state. The Sturgeon doctrine, which hangs like a millstone around Swinney’s neck, dictates that the route to independence can only be legitimate if it doesn’t cause the British state any upset. It will be obvious to all but the dumb party loyalists that such a route cannot exist.

Kudos to Ross Greer for at least - and at last! - recognising the idiocy of holding off for a process that has the enthusiastic consent and genuine cooperation of the British state. And for recognising the confrontation itself is part of what will win additional support for Scotland’s cause. This contrasts with the orthodoxy that we must have the support before the fight begins. And that this support will be won by the same means as have signally failed to increase support over a decade when by the SNP’s own account, the UK Government has been actively engaged in ‘driving’ people to the pro-independence side.

What ruins Ross Greer’s strategy is its, timidity, caution, and hesitancy. He proposes lots of small-to-medium fights over an extended period, gradually wearing down the UK Government. At which point, the old ‘What next?’ question intrudes again. He seems to imagine that devolution can be grown into independence. But they are different creatures. Devolution is an alternative to independence. An unsatisfactory alternative implemented to prevent independence. Devolution cannot evolve into independence any more than a horse can evolve into an alligator. Devolution may precede independence. In some circumstances it might be acceptable in the longer term. But for independence to happen, devolution must end.

Which is why the other part of Ross Greer’s strategy has to be dubious at best. On this, he is fully in accord with the SNP leadership which takes the view that we can increase the popularity of independence by making devolution more popular. Which only makes any kind of sense if independence is regarded as some sort of ‘super-devolution’. It isn’t. As I said, independence is a different beast altogether.

Ross Greer seems to regard devolution as a linear process with direct rule ate one end and independence at another. In fact, devolution is more of a circular process. Like a treadmill. With devolution, each step doesn’t take you closer to independence. it keeps you in the same place. A point at which the only thing that separates you from direct rule is the treadmill. To be independent, you must get off the treadmill altogether.

With all the concerns and caveats, I still welcome Ross Greer’s intervention. It puts a bit more pressure on the abysmal SNP leadership by bringing at least a sliver of reframing into party-political discourse. Previously, the ‘thinking’ among Scotland’s nominally pro-independence political elite was stuck in 2012. Ross Greer may have got as far as 2018. If he can just develop his thinking a bit more, he will realise that there needs to be one major confrontation to bring about the break that gets us off the devolution treadmill.

We must choose that confrontation cleverly. Greer says:

If they [UK Government] want to step in and stop the Scottish Government from doing something that is popular and beneficial to the people who live here, that's not going to hurt the independence cause.

I would contend that if we make the confrontation about our right of self-determination, this will do the independence cause a massive amount of good. Rather than picking lots of fights about things that some people like and/or things that benefit some people, make the fight about something that is essential to everyone - their fundamental human rights.

I propose we take the power to have a proper constitutional referendum and “essentially dare the UK Government to stop us”.

Ross Greer is getting there. He just needs to be a bit bolder.